L that is if we could once drive vice and misery out of the world, I really do not see what occasion we should have for them afterwards. The most important question yet remains, which is not how Mr. Malthus came by his discovery, nor whether he was right in endeavouring to exemplify it in the first instance by shewing its effects on an imaginary state of society where it would be naturally disarmed of its malignity, but whether the practical conclusions he has drawn from it are not of weight and moment in themselves, and whether they are not established so clearly and fully as to make it necessary for us to reverse almost entirely all our old reasonings on the principles of political economy. I confess, I have some difficulty in determining, whether Mr. Malthus's principles do or do not materially affect the commonly ceived notions on this subject, because I really do not know what those principles are, and t Mr. Malthus himself tells us, whether he wou have us believe in the new revelation or the old, it is impossible that any one should. If we ar to consider those as Mr. Malthus's real an chastized opinions which are the least like himself, which most flatly contradict his former as sertions, which being forced from him may be re Will e d looked upon as confessions of the truth, I see nothing in these that in any manner interferes with the common sense of mankind. And though Mr. Malthus still perseveres in almost all his extreme conclusions, yet as those conclusions are for the most part unwarrantable assumptions, disproved even by his own conces sions, and shew nothing more than Mr. Malthus's qualifications for the delicate office of conscience-keeper to the rich and great, I am so far from considering them as new and important discoveries, that I must be excused if I consider them as in the highest degree false and dangerous, and treat them accordingly. that is if we could once drive vice and misery out of the world, I really do not see what occasion we should have for them afterwards. The most important question yet remains, which is not how Mr. Malthus came by his discovery, nor whether he was right in endeavouring to exemplify it in the first instance by shewing its effects on an imaginary state of society where it would be naturally disarmed of its malignity, but whether the practical conclusions he has drawn from it are not of weight and moment in themselves, and whether they are not established so clearly and fully as to make it necessary for us to reverse almost entirely all our old reasonings on the principles of political economy. I confess, I have some difficulty in determining, whether Mr. Malthus's principles do or do not materially affect the commonly ceived notions on this subject, because I really do not know what those principles are, and t Mr. Malthus himself tells us, whether he wou have us believe in the new revelation or the old, it is impossible that any one should. If we ar to consider those as Mr. Malthus's real an chastized opinions which are the least like him. self, which most flatly contradict his former as sertions, which being forced from him may be re ill ld e d looked upon as confessions of the truth, I see nothing in these that in any manner interferes with the common sense of mankind. And though Mr. Malthus still perseveres in almost all his extreme conclusions, yet as those conclusions are for the most part unwarrantable assumptions, disproved even by his own conces sions, and shew nothing more than Mr. Malthus's qualifications for the delicate office of conscience-keeper to the rich and great, I am so far from considering them as new and impor tant discoveries, that I must be excused if I consider them as in the highest degree false and dangerous, and treat them accordingly. A A LETTER IV. ON THE GENERAL TENDENCY OF POPULATIOΝ ΤΟ SIR, MR. Malthus's argument against a state of un-limited improvement, of perfect wisdom, virtue and happiness, from the vice, misery, and madness inseparable from such a state would, if admitted, be an effectual bar to all limited improvement whatever. It is for this reason, that I have dwelt so long on the subject. If out of timidity, or complaisance, or prejudice against an unpopular system, we suffer ourselves to be wheedled into a silly persuasion, that the worst thing that could happen for the human race would be their being able to realise not in words only, but in deed all the fine things, that have been said of them, we then fairly throw ourselves upon the mercy of our adversaries. For what is there in this case, to hinder Mr.. |