mas of the Whig party, or rather of William III.; they furthered his system of Church settlement, declaimed against Popery, hated France as cordially as he.

During the debates on the Toleration and Comprehension Bills, Dr. Wake, future Archbishop of Canterbury, published a letter' in which the Dissenters were blamed by French ministers for approving James II.'s Declaration of Indulgence. "The

Dissenters," he adds, "ought by no means to have separated themselves for the form of Ecclesiastical government nor for ceremonies which do not at all constitute the fundamentals of religion. On the other side the Bishops should have had a greater condescension to the weakness of their brethren." Even on a question of internal policy, the opinion of the persecuted Church bore weight. Popery of course was the arch-enemy to the refugees, some of whom refused to the last to believe that the King persecuted them, ascribing their misery to the evil counsels of the Jesuits. One of the evil consequences in England of the Revocation is the intensified hatred for Popery. The policy pursued by Louis XIV. made James II.'s Indulgence impossible and thwarted all attempts of William III. to relax the penal laws. When the Act of 1700 was passed, making confiscation of Catholic estates a rule in England, as kind a man as Evelyn

1A Lettre of Several French ministers fled into Germany upon the Account of the Persecution in France, to such of their Brethren in England as approved the King's Declaration touching Liberty of Conscience. (Bodl. Pamph. 194. 1689. 6.)

2 Id. p. 2.

wrote: "This indeed seemed a hard law, but the usage of the French King to his Protestant subjects has brought it on."'

The hatred of the English for France was a secular habit. Indeed England was noted for her hatred of foreigners generally. "The English hate us," Courtin, the French envoy, told his royal master at a time when French literature was in highest favour in England.' As Spain in the sixteenth century, so France in the seventeenth, embodied the powers of darkness in Europe. This feeling the Refugees fostered so as to appear to the French ambassador his royal master's worst enemies. A little after the Revocation, Louis XIV. received from Barillon a despatch on the harm done him in London by "les plus emportés et les plus insolens huguenots François, le ministre Satur, le ministre Lorthié, le ministre Langle, surtout un dangereux homme nommé Bibo faisant le philosophe, Justel, Daudé, La Force, La Force, Aimé, Aimé, Lefévre, et Rosemond, et un vendeur de tous les plus meschans livres qui s'impriment en Hollande et ailleurs contre la religion et contre le gouvernement de France. C'est le Bureau, huguenot françois, qui en fournit à tout le monde, et il fait imprimer actuellement en françois et en anglois une lettre supposée qu'il dit avoir reçue de Nyort, où l'on rapporte cent cruautés exercées par ordre du roy

I

Diary, 4. 1700.

This is remarked by French (JuSSERAND, 113) and Italian travellers (EINSTEIN, Italian Renaissance in England, 103, 185, 249). 3 Dated 15. 2. 1677. (FORNERON, Duchesse de Portsmouth,

p. 113.)

contre les Réligionnaires . . . On parle à Londres fort librement dans les maisons de caffé de ce qui se passe en France sur cela, et beaucoup de gens s'imaginent et mesme disent tout haut que c'est une suite de ce que l'Angleterre n'est pas gouvernée par un Roy protestant et que les Anglois ne sont pas en pouvoir ny estat de secourir les prétendus reformez leurs frères."* In England as in Holland the Huguenots, great writers of political pamphlets, organized an anti-French agitation. No doubt the ambassador was right in a sense in stating that the charges against France were exaggerated. The English during all the eighteenth century imagined the French monarch to be a kind of Western grandsignior. The stories of the Bastile popularized by the refugee Renneville gave an incorrect notion of the French administration. This popular prejudice is ridiculed by Pope in his attack upon Dennis, the critic, whom he describes as "perpetually starting and running to the window when anyone knocks, crying out 'Death! a messenger from the French King; I shall die in the Bastile.'"' With his keen eye for ridicule, Voltaire noticed it: "En Angleterre, on parle de notre gouvernement comme nous parlons en France de celui des Turcs. Les Anglois pensent qu'on met à la Bastille la moitié de la nation française, qu'on met le reste à la besace, et tous les auteurs un peu hardis, au pilori.”4

2

' Dated 1.10. 1685, SCHICKLER, II. 356.

* Inquisition françoise ou histoire de la Bastille. Amst. 1715. 2 vols. Dedicated to George I.

4

Narrative of the Frenzy of Mr. John Dennis.

L. to Thieriot, 24.2. 1733.

The Revocation was turned to good use by the Whigs against France, James II., and later the Pretender, both protégés of France: "You shall trot about," says a pamphlet almost contemporary with the advent of William III., " in wooden shoes, à la mode de France, Monsieur will make your souls suffer as well as your bodies. These are the means he will make use of to pervert Protestants to the idolatrous Popish religion. He will send his infallible apostolic dragoons amongst you . . . If you fall into French hands your bodies will be condemned to irretrievable slavery, and your souls (as far as it lies in their power) shall be consigned to the Devil." At the height of the Tory reaction in the last years of Queen Anne's reign, the same argument was urged against a Popish successor. The Flying Post publishes a list of persecuted Huguenots: "to convince Jacobite Protestants what treatment they are to expect if ever the Pretender should come to the throne, since he must necessarily act according to the bloody House of B(ourbon) without whose assistance he can never be able to keep possession, if he should happen to get it.”2

That the Whigs fully endorsed their pamphleteers' opinions seems evident from what such a judicious man as Locke once wrote to Peter King, the future Lord Chancellor, to advise him as a member of Parliament to aid William in his designs of war against France: "The good King of France

I

Jacobites' Hopes Frustrated, 1690 (Harleian Miscellany).

Flying Post 7.3. 171

2

xviiith Cent., I, 764).

(ABBEY AND OVERTAN, Eng. Ch. in

desires only that you would take his word, and let him be quiet till he has got the West Indies into his hands and his grandson well established in Spain; and then you may be sure you shall be as safe as he will let you be, in your religion, property, and trade" (1701).'

The influence of the Refugees is due less to the weavers of Spitalfields, to the army of seventy or eighty thousand' Huguenots who sought refuge in England after the Revocation, than to the intelligent sergeants of that army, the men of letters, journalists, and pamphlet-writers. They usually met in London at the Rainbow coffee-house,' near the Inner Temple Gate, in Fleet Street. Unlike the

Over

Justels and Colomies of the Restoration they were no dependents on the Court or the Church, and, either earning a journalist's living or with a calling exclusive of literary patronage, they realized more or less the modern type of the man of letters. their meetings presided Pierre Daudé, a clerk in the Exchequer. Round that "doyen" gathered Misson, the traveler, Rapin Thoyras, then planning his History of Great Britain, Le Moivre, Newton's friend, and a Fellow of the Royal Society, Cornand La Croze, a contributor to Le Clerc's Bibliothèque Universelle. In those convivial meetings many a project was sketched for the advancement of learning.. When Le Clerc, then a young man, was preaching at the Savoy, he took part in them. Later Pierre

3

KING, 261.

2 CH. WEISS, Hist. des réf. prot. de France, I., 272.

TEXTE, J. J. Rousseau et le cosmopolitisme littéraire, 18.